It happened to me once to do the "set" in a performance organized by Silvio Berlusconi. It was 2001, in the final stages of a fiery electoral campaign where the center-right leader, Silvio Berlusconi challenged the center-left leader Francesco Rutelli. I ran Il Sole 24 Ore and was summoned by Bruno Vespa together with the then director of Il Messaggero Paolo Graldi to participate in the political rostrum where Berlusconi and Rutelli confronted each other on two successive evenings. I was well aware that with Berlusconi it was difficult to ask questions and even more difficult to get answers. He tended to occupy all available spaces, and was quite skilled at evading "uncomfortable" questions. Not only that, but Vespa was clearly trying to avoid unwelcome statements from us journalists. And yet it was impossible to refuse an invitation that was the result of an agreement between both political sides. At one point Vespa had a desk brought onto the stage with a large five-point poster on it that Berlusconi read with emphasis and signed in honor of the television cameras. Era the famous “pact with the Italians” which to me seemed like a skit with little political substance to which the Italians would not have taken the bait. But I had to change my mind. Already the next morning, having my usual coffee at the bar, I realized that everyone was talking about the "pact", that Berlusconi's commitments were liked and that Italians expected less talk and more concrete things from politics.
Berlusconi: promises never made and Italy in default
Berlusconi was this: he knew how to stay in tune with the belly of the Italians. He was admired because he made himself. He implied that in a well-governed country, with a lighter state, without the oppressive tax and regulatory pall of special Italian-style socialism, anyone could do as he had done and rise to the top of the wealth. It promised a liberal state which, however, was careful not to implement in practice. In fact, to have more market and less state, it was necessary to dismantle the thousands of corporations that were paralyzing the country, consuming its resources, preventing real development. And it is certainly no coincidence if its twenty years was characterized by zero point growth and ended up in 2011 in the tragedy of almost default of the country with the spread on our government bonds having exceeded i 550 points.
Berlusconi: excellent businessman, but nonchalant. In politics, a populist
Despite having met him many times and beyond his spontaneous cordiality as a skilled salesman of himself, I've never had a particular feeling with Berlusconi. While acknowledging them excellent business skills, I have never loved his ease in dealing with both private and public affairs. Maybe he didn't know the principle of non-contradiction and was capable of telling gigantic lies just to gain the good will of his interlocutor. To obtain the sympathy of the lawyer. Agnelli, said he kept the photo of the boss of Fiat on his bedside table, making it clear that every night he prayed to be like him. He was certainly not a reliable person. The men of him even less. On the corporate side, Confalonieri has always looked at me with suspicion. I think for not having listened to his request not to publish news concerning his involvement in a judicial case (which later ended in nothing). And anyway his media has never been liberal. They have always favored the wildest populism. On the political front, with the exception of Gianni Letta, and once the so-called professors had left, there were very few people with whom one could speak.
Berlusconi tended to confuse the personal relationship with the political one. On the international front this has resulted in disasters as it shows his “friendship” with Putin maintained until a few weeks ago, despite everything the Russian dictator has done and said against the West.
The reforms never made and the Bunga-Bunga
Overall he never really wanted to run this country. In 2008 after his second sensational electoral victory he has given up on doing any kind of reform, not even that of the Justice although it would have coincided with his personal interest. Instead, he devoted himself to private pleasures, bringing the entire country into disrepute. One could not go abroad without being questioned about the Bunga-Bunga or gently teased.
The collapse of 2011 was the consequence of his distraction from government commitments. He did not notice that Bossi's League had no intention of honoring the commitments he had undertaken at the international reform pensions and local financeand, two taboos still today for Salvini's League.
The decline of Forza Italia and the advance of Meloni
Lastly, after breaking the pact with Renzi through which a more solid institutional structure could have been given to our political system, Berlusconi had to content himself with being Giorgia Meloni's bagman, struggling to find space between Salvini's sovereignty and the reactionary right of Brothers of Italy. Now what will happen to his party that was all about him? It is too early to make predictions. It is certain that very little of his original liberal approach has remained among his colonels. Perhaps it will be Meloni who tries to renew his political formation by giving life to a conservative party of the liberal type who will take up his legacy. But even Meloni doesn't have much of a liberal, beyond a few declarations, his economic sovereignty is increasingly evident.
Then there is the family business front and it would be good if a formula could be found for not dispersing a heritage that also belongs to the whole country.
Berlusconi with his TV and his descent into politics has marked the history of our country for over 25 years. It has changed (unfortunately for the worse) the culture of the country by consolidating the poor ability of Italians to feel like a community, and to make some sacrifices for the common good. By contrast, he extolled our worst flaws such as cunning and fiscal infidelity. Now really an era ends. But the new one is not seen yet.
