In the most important Italian trade union confederation a very bitter, divisive debate is underway and has come clamorously into the open. In other times, when the union (the reference does not concern only the CGIL) was still a fundamental interlocutor in the context of civil society, the media would have thrown themselves headlong into this unprecedented controversy, while now they dedicate only a few passing remarks to it. Let's recap the facts. At the next Congress Susanna Camusso, having reached the end of her mandate, will leave the general secretariat. Her next assignment should even be the direction of the international CISL. In recent days - after conducting an informal consultation - you believed that the time had come to propose the name of your successor and, with the consent of the majority of the secretariat, you indicated Maurizio Landini. The former leader of Fiom is no longer the descamisado who directed the metalworkers (where he collected – as his opponents recall – only bitter defeats).
In recent years he has shown that he has the cynicism necessary to understand that Paris is well worth a mass. Thus, before moving on to the top confederation, he agreed to stipulate - in a unitary way - a contractual renewal that he previously would have rejected with disdain. And, what is more significant, he managed to get it approved - demonstrating a leadership capacity that borders on fideism - by a large majority of those workers who followed him - in the faithful centuries - when he called them to strike against the windmills . In a society with an image, Landini (albeit in evident decline compared to past performances) is one of the best-known personalities of Italian trade unionism, unlike the reformist Vincenzo Colla (the other candidate) who is only known within the organization where he held roles of notable importance. If he manages to take the place that belonged to Giuseppe Di Vittorio, Luciano Lama and Bruno Trentin, Landini will be the first "Sandinista" (as Claudio Sabattini's followers are defined) to enter not only the confederal secretariat, but also become its general secretary.
However, Landini's candidacy has raised several criticisms and authoritative opposing opinions (the online newspaper "Il diario del lavoro" founded by Massimo Mascini, former union journalist of yesteryear, of Il Sole 24 Ore reports it with great openness when the trade union was still an interesting topic for public opinion). It was therefore inevitable that, sooner or later, the posts on social media should lead to confrontation in the governing bodies. The matter was entered on the agenda of the Board of Directors on 27 October. In this instance, Landini's supporters have the majority. It was therefore in the interest of the component that sides with Colla, to refer the problem to the General Assembly where the balance of power is more balanced. Thus, according to what has been leaked, the session of the Steering Committee of the "Great Mother" was held as if it were a condominium meeting, characterized by procedural skirmishes rather than actual political debate.
During the discussion, the members of the secretariat in favor of Landini presented a document whose approval would have required the assumption - by the outgoing Board - of the candidacy of the former Fiom leader. At that point a manager close to Landini proposed a point of order to close the debate and proceed to the vote, thus causing the Colla area to leave the session and thus the quorum to disappear, as well as the consequent suspension some jobs. The CGIL, therefore, is split in half, in the middle of the Congress. But why has an opposition to Maurizio Landini's leadership reawakened? His election to the general secretariat would have a clear political direction not only for the CGIL, but for the entire left. Unlike Vincenzo Colla – bitter opponent of the rampant superpopulism also among the ranks of the Confederation (30% of those registered on 4 March voted for the M5S and 10% for the Lega) – Landini has never taken a clear position towards the government and the yellow-green majority.
On the contrary, he has repeatedly granted appreciations - which in the face of the facts he would have done well to spare - on the measures adopted (see the dignity decree) and on the promises promulgated without restraint by the two vice-presidents of the Council. This is why, if this were the orientation that the CGIL will take in the coming months, it is to be feared that the Congress of the Democratic Party (assuming and not granted that it is held) will also be affected. After all, how could it be otherwise? The confederation of Corso Italia is the last pillbox from which the reformist left could still fire a few shots. But, as things have turned out, the (detrimental) principle that it is better to stay with the workers even when they make a mistake seems to prevail. As Emilio Miceli, leader of the chemists, wrote, "not only are we in the presence of a government that has an economic and social policy line that we do not share, but also of a ruling class that distances us, at the same time, from Europe and from democracy as outlined in the Constitution.
An authentic revolution (in this they have kept their word!) which makes nationalism, the weakening of democracy and racism its strengths. Everywhere democracy is undergoing transformation: in Italy it risks giving way”. Of the same tenor - again in Il diario del lavoro - the position of Alessandro Genovesi, secretary of the construction workers: "Faced with a vision of society expressed by the Government of the new sophists (theorists for whom only the apprehensions of the senses and the subjective impression determine true as it is useful) how much we can get away with the logic of "we will judge provision by provision" (Landini's philosophy, ed) denying ourselves the reactionary nature (which may also have popular consensus) of this political culture made by fueling anger, fears, systematically committed to bypassing intermediate bodies and simplifying democratic processes and institutional counterweights… all dedicated to speaking to the belly of the country and not to its head, to its best energies?”.
That's why in the CGIL congress the “battle of stalingrad” is underway against the counter-reforms of the super-populist forces and in defense of the reformist policies of the labor market which - albeit with troubled compromises - characterized the two previous legislatures.
