Even today Rome and Naples will be paralyzed by the strike of public services and in particular of transport. Why this strike was called is not clear, after the one a few weeks ago was justified by the need to reaffirm the workers' right to strike. Since no impediment to the free exercise of the strike has intervened in the meantime, there does not seem to be a need to strike again with the risk of further exasperating the people who cannot go to work, or move around easily.
It is true that Parliament is discussing the need to establish objective criteria by law to establish the representativeness of trade unions and employers' associations, so as to base collective bargaining on data capable of certifying the representativeness of those who stipulate a contract thus avoiding a dangerous run-up of more or less fake acronyms to enter into contracts which are then extended to thousands of unsuspecting workers. And this phenomenon is becoming worrying both from the trade union side, where so many cobas are springing up like mushrooms that by exercising a blackmailing power towards the employers they aim to conquer spaces of consensus and privilege, and from the employers side where associations are springing up with the excuse of representing new segments of the production system, they try to find autonomous spaces in the bargaining system.
The problem is obviously not that of restricting pluralism or the freedom of association, but that of understanding exactly what is the consistency of the trade union or employer group sitting at the negotiating table. From this obviously arises the possibility of setting clearer rules on who is entitled to call a strike and possibly with what modalities such an demonstration can be done, especially in the delicate sector of public services where often a small union with a limited number of members is enough for block the operation of the entire service.
While on the first aspect, i.e. that of the measure of representativeness, it now seems that the main trade unions are in agreement on the need for a law, even the main employers' organizations have come to the conclusion that the problem of the fragmentation of representation is undermining their role and creating confusion in the contractual system.
The difficulties are greater on the need to better regulate strikes in public services. The president of the Senate Labor Commission, Maurizio Sacconi, together with sen. Pietro Ichino, have prepared a draft law on the matter, but the discussion has for now been blocked by the perplexities of Cesare Damiano, president of the Labor commission of the Chamber, and by the Government itself which, before tackling such a thorny issue, probably wants to check both within the Democratic Party and among the various parties that make up the frayed majority that governs Gentiloni. Yet it is a common sense measure, probably popular, given that citizens are fed up with the arrogance of those employed in certain essential services who are already privileged due to job security and low productivity, and which moreover, they penalize the entire population for reasons that often have more to do with the internal struggle between the various trade unions than with the proper functioning of the services themselves.
But considering that even the large trade union confederations seem intent on bringing some order this time around, it would be in the government's interest to support a parliamentary initiative. The same, and perhaps even more, is true for Matteo Renzi and the Democratic Party who could find in this initiative the possibility of recovering with concrete facts that reformist spirit which in recent times appears at least tarnished.
