Renzi's real miracle took place in Rome at the recent European championships. He brought the Democratic Party to 43 percent, despite a shattered party and a mayor who seems to have landed from Mars and who still has trouble understanding where he is. So his voters have gone from doubt - isn't it a bluff? - To the conviction of having voted wrong. Finding a Roman satisfied with Marino is more difficult than hitting a 6 in the Superenalotto. So he is not surprised that in the party after the Europeans there is an animated discussion about the number of preferences and the support of party bodies. If this is the climate even after an exhilarating victory, if Marino combines his bombastic promises (I'll change Rome) with an infinite reflective pause (that is, he is immobile) the result is certain. No wonder if in the face of landslides many months ago in the north of the capital, ironic signs have appeared for some time such as: "My grandfather was quicker with a shovel". In the capital, important and busy arteries are blocked and traffic is crazy. There will also be bureaucratic reasons for incredible delays, but what does the mayor do? We don't know if he still uses his bicycle to get around, but don't expect crowds – going around the city districts – at most, water balloons could reach him. And that "Marino wake-up call" that many Romans addressed to Renzi on June 2 could be much more than a solicitation for the interested party if the relationship between the tenant of the Capitol and the citizens were more direct.
There are essentially two reasons for Marino's failure, or if we want to be more good than disappointment: the mayor's inability to manage a situation as complex as the Roman one and the differences within the Democratic Party.
Let's start right from the second aspect, which is only apparently less significant. The Roman and Lazio Democratic Party fails to express a charismatic figure. At the Lazio Region he first resorts to an outsider, the journalist Marrazzo, then, after the story of the transsexuals and his resignation, he can do no better than to entrust himself to the radical leader Bonino, failing to find a valid candidate. In Rome, after the Veltroni era, he dusts off Rutelli, who the Romans perceive as a return to the past, unexpectedly choosing Alemanno. We arrive at the municipal elections in the capital and the only candidate of weight, Zingaretti, is pushed to marry the Region. In the primaries for the mayoral candidate, the top of the party imposes the name of Marino. A partially new face, a doctor with a passion for politics who in the intentions of those who proposed him (first of all Bettini) could represent the new, an atypical politician (even if he had already participated in the primary for leadership of the party) almost response to the wave of anti-politics. Marino is the candidate, but the Democratic Party initially finds it difficult to bring him into line, and in any case for Marino it is not easy to move between currents, allies and rivalries. Its strength would be that of having a precise and disruptive program, of becoming so popular among the citizens that it could unhinge the resistance of its own friends. A bit like Renzi was able to do. But Marino is different, he doesn't have the same charisma. Try to ride the feeling of hostility to the privileges of politicians by being seen on a bicycle. He proclaims that he will transform the city without however indicating precise objectives. The first tug of war is with the traffic police, it lasts a long time, the question is the appointment of those responsible, but it does not have the aggressiveness of the Prime Minister, it does not seek and therefore does not obtain the consent of the Romans who understand little of the tussle. The only initiative that triggers reactions is the partial closure of via dei Fori Imperiali to private cars. But it is not the start of a phase of pedestrianization or of a radical intervention on city traffic. That becomes an intervention for its own sake. Meanwhile, after the drop in 2013, determined only by the increase in the price of fuel and by the crisis, traffic in the city resumed in a big way with the Municipality absent, unable to take any initiative. Wild stop rages, the tourist buses enter and stop everywhere. In short, worse than before. Not to mention urban decorum and the fight against illegal immigrants. Alemanno had tried to unleash the traffic police, for a while things seemed to change, then everything went back to normal. Marino doesn't do otherwise. A few interventions and then the Colosseum area remains a large market, the street vendors become even more arrogant, in front of yet another proclamation they threaten war and the squatters in front of Castel Sant'Angelo react violently to the policemen. That would be enough in a normal country to authorize the use of force. But the lawlessness is blatant and blatant, and it is present in key points of the city.
Marino, try to take the long corridor that connects via Veneto to piazza di Spagna. He would find everything, the often broken escalators, then fake sellers ready to flee by overwhelming some unfortunate person at the sight of a uniform, to return unpunished a few minutes later to occupy the same positions. Then there are the gypsies with their children, they play and beg. In summer and winter, innocent children are forced to beg for hours. But in the majority there are those who worry about the wheelchairs and the suffering horses that pull them. Children are less important to radical chic. Apart from this, a tourist who arrives in the Spanish Steps finds himself having to fend off the onslaught of sellers of roses, fake bags, laser bulbs, colored pinwheels, disgusting pieces of plastic that get smashed on the ground. And if the tourist continues to walk in the center he finds fake Buddhists, fake centurions. Even in commercial areas, they will find it difficult to walk on even wide sidewalks for dozens of stalls located in front of more or less elegant shops that pay thousands of euros a month in rent, while the double queue festival is broadcast daily on the street. Festival that is repeated in almost all the streets of Rome. Not to mention the trash and the Ama. It is not easy to find a solution to the capital's problems, but at least trying to resolve some issues is essential. Instead, the citizen attends the heated discussion on the number of directors of the Ama, on the reshuffle of the junta, if the deputy mayor must continue to be from Sel or must be assigned to a man from the Democratic Party. But what current? Then there is the issue of councilors. But does all of this matter to citizens? Certainly the party that wanted him does not lend a hand to Marino. Will it be a coincidence that around Renzi there are few exponents of the capital? Could it be a coincidence that even in Rome Renzi did not ask the mayor and his council for help? If he had done differently that 43 percent would have been a mirage. But can Marino stand by and watch without reacting to what could be his defeat? The Democratic Party will not help him, but at least for now they cannot distrust him because there would be a vote and almost certain defeat. If Marino will have the strength to refuse paralyzing compromises. creating his own team will be able to try to give an impression to his government action. The alternative is a tiring coexistence without love. But the Romans would pay the price.
