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Recovery Fund: Conte's immobilism and Assonime's proposals

Assonime has mobilized a large group of experts to formulate a governance project - with an ad hoc minister - which will finally remove the Recovery Fund from quicksand and ensure efficiency and transparency in the selection and management of projects that can be financed with European resources, but it is essential let politics strike a blow

Recovery Fund: Conte's immobilism and Assonime's proposals

It is the latest proposal in chronological order. And not only in the sense that it comes after those formulated by Giorgio La Malfa e by Marcello Messori and Marco Buti, but also in the sense that we are now just at the maximum time limit if we want to make the most of the opportunity offered to us by Europe with the resources of the Next Generation Eu. the president of theAssonymous Innocenzo Cipolletta and the general manager Stefano Micossi have mobilized a large group of experts to formulate a governance project capable of ensuring efficiency and transparency in the selection and management of projects that can be financed by European funds. The proposal is based on the need to create a minister responsible for the whole complex procedural process maintaining relations both with Brussels and with the Italian administrations to be involved.

The current Minister for Relations with Europe, Vincenzo Amendola, who is already following the complex matter on the recommendation of the Prime Minister, should be provided, through a specific law, with additional powers to be able to coordinate the internal front as well, and create technical structures capable of evaluating projects, monitoring their implementation, and intervening if problems arise.

Assonime's proposal clearly identifies the reasons why Italy is unable to carry out the works necessary to increase overall competitiveness in certain times. It does not overlook the political complexity of finding it within a few months a convergence between the majority and the opposition in Parliament and even more between the center and the periphery. He devotes a long chapter to the necessary simplification, or rather to the reform of the ordinary procedures of the Public Administration, without which it seems difficult to meet the stringent deadlines set by Europe (all the 209 billion available will have to be spent by 2026) and even more to obtain appreciable results for overcoming the deep recession into which Covid has plunged the Italian economy .

There has been no reaction so far from the government and the political forces. After all Prime Minister Conte must have realized the difficulties one would encounter if one were to rely on the various ministerial and regional powers. Difficulties that would probably cause Italy to lose this extraordinary possibility of restarting on a new basis by aiming for more growth and more employment. In fact, at the Confindustria assembly last September, Conte had announced an ad hoc law for the establishment of a control room responsible for managing the Recovery Fund. But the reaction of the various political centers of power must have been such that the prime minister never spoke of the matter again and limited himself to inserting an article in the finance law in which the task of verifying the implementation of the projects is entrusted to the State Accounting Office leaving unanswered both the political question of the choice of priorities and the selection of projects presented by public or private bodies.

in short we are a long way from not only having acceptable governance (and recommended by the EU), but also from having fairly clear ideas about where we want to go, that is, about how we want to be in four or five years. In fact, the plan conceived by Brussels is very ambitious: it aims to improve the growth potential of all European countries, recognizing for the first time that the last wagons of the convoy must be helped in a special way. And at the same time foster the transition to a greener and more digital economy. To obtain these results, a matrix must be built in which there must be synergic coherence between reforms and projects. Only in this way will it be possible to use the additional funds that the EU makes available to profoundly change the functioning of economies, ultimately achieving the goal of offering more opportunities to all citizens and creating stronger social cohesion.

For example, the goal of digital transformation requires on the one hand one transformation of the PA rules to make it capable of operating more and more on the net, and on the other the ability to make infrastructure investments (but many mayors oppose the 5G antennas), to change the skills of workers through adequate training, and finally to change the labor market so as not to bind people to companies with no futureinstead helping them to find work in cutting-edge sectors.

But beyond the enormous technical complications, it would be necessary for the political authorities to find an agreement in principle on the type of society we would like to become and above all on which reforms are necessary to eliminate the corporate obstacles which today impede the progress of the entire country. You should too agree on ways to overcome the resistance of those who, rightly or wrongly, may feel damaged by the change, offering not only material incentives, but also a credible vision, capable of arousing in the vast majority of the population that trust which is a necessary ingredient to mobilize citizens' energies.

Unfortunately, the political forces, both government and opposition, appear unable to offer a positive vision of Italy. They don't have the culture and the ability, even before the political courage, to fight for something they firmly believe in. THE 5 Stars they have no idea and are just looking for some flag that can temporarily replace their lack of identity. The Pd he wants to be a pro-European but does not have the courage to imagine reforms that question certain sectors of his electorate. And therefore, for example, he still defends the national labor contract, instead of pushing for decentralized bargaining. For the South he distributes incentives to rain, instead of focusing on strengthening the productive classes. From the right it's not worth talking about: these are autarkic statists who are completely out of time.

In this framework, who could create consensus to take advantage of the unrepeatable opportunity offered to us by Europe to renew our administrative and economic system and be able to grow again? The Prime Minister should face the difficulties head-on, challenge the political forces to be coherent, stop taking refuge in immobilism, thus avoiding the risk of tripping while running. But he should be a Churchill and not a simple Italian Count.

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