The Government 5 Star Lega, obtained the trust of the Chambers, sets out into the open sea to fulfill the demanding "contract" signed by Luigi Di Maio and Matteo Salvini. Even if for a certain period the Executive will perhaps be able to enjoy the traditional "honeymoon" of those who achieve political success, the path promises to be bumpy and not without pitfalls. Above all for the disruptive effects that could arise on the front of current public spending and budget balances. Particular events are also emerging on the horizon, apparently of ordinary administration and of limited financial impact, which could however take on a significant political value.
One of these concerns the entry into force of Legislative Decree 221 of 2016 which aims to impose, without the possibility of exceptions, the exclusive use of Italian or EU seafarers on the ferries registered in the International Register (Italian) carrying out cabotage voyages, even when they follow or precede international voyages. The Decree is in a certain sense "bipartisan" having been signed at the time by the now undersecretary and senator of the PD Roberto Cociancich. The text was long ago sent to the EU which should reply by 11 June, the deadline beyond which the provision could enter into force. But the story is also the latest chapter in an all-out war between two entrepreneurial groups (Onorato and Grimaldi) which has also caused a split in Confitarma, the historical organization of shipowners.
The CGIL, CISL and UIL of maritime transport have been accused of favoring Grimaldi (which would use many non-EU citizens) by applying an agreement signed with the shipowners in 2003. This agreement also guarantees the unions a contribution of 190 euros (if Italian or EU). to 270 euros (if non-EU) for each seafarer embarked. There was also the initiative of a "Maritime Association for the future of Torre del Greco" which sent the "traditional" exhibited to the Guardia di Finanza expressing the fear that this contribution violates article 17 of the Workers' Statute which prohibits employers and business associations to finance trade union organisations.
The total value of this contribution could theoretically be around a few million euros a year; in practice, according to trade union sources, it is a sum of around one million euros and is regularly budgeted by the CGIL, CISL and UIL of the sector as it represents a union contribution for assistance to all maritime personnel. The political fact is much more relevant because affirms for the first time in a legal provision the principle that only Italian (and EU) workers can be hired, on the basis of the current collective agreement, by maritime companies, in this case those that carry out cabotage in our territorial waters with international calls. It could also be an opportunity to focus on the effective role of the Port Authorities which carry out the function of placement and supervision of navigation safety for seafarers, as well as supervising the composition of the crews.
At issue is certainly not the objective, widely shared in principle, of offering more job opportunities (also) to Italians, but rather the risk that the application of this rule causes shipowners to flee from the (Italian) International Register towards cheaper foreign flags. In fact, by flying the flag of another State, Italian shipowners, while losing concessions such as the complete tax exemption of social security contributions, could completely evade the obligations they would be bound by the new legislative provision. If this were the case, the damage would be double, the shipowners would have free hands both to apply the contract of the flag to which they are registered and to embark non-EU workers without limits.
In any case, serious reflection is needed at every level in order to then take a definitive decision. But the climate of exasperated controversy and the objective complexity of the matter make a calm confrontation difficult. An obvious fact, probably destined to be repeated in other circumstances, is the birth of a "pro-government faction" declared among the entrepreneurs, while the alignment that goes from Confitarma (currently the majority organization of shipowners) to the confederal trade union organizations is in positions more wait and in any case would like to compete on an organic reform project. Moreover, Onorato himself, who on the one hand applauds Beppe Grillo for the statements made during the electoral campaign in support of unemployed seafarers in Campania, on the other goes so far as to ask to start from scratch on the maritime labor reform by rewriting law 30 of 1998 , the one that regulates the sector today.
The occasion is also tempting for Matteo Salvini who, if the "only Italian seafarers" operation were successful, could legitimately be given the merit of having given an answer, certainly not decisive, but concrete to the southern unemployed. However, the whole issue is surrounded by many uncertainties, the question is only one. What could be, for better or for worse, the practical effects of this measure? Perhaps a meeting of all the interested parties would be necessary to investigate all aspects of the problem competently and with good will. Time will tell. In any case, this affair will be an interesting test for judging the new government by the facts.
