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You mount among non-existent strong powers, short-sighted lobbies and reluctant elites

Who are the strong powers that the prime minister says he is against? Perhaps the powers that be do not exist, but unfortunately there are many short-sighted lobbies: from political ones to trade union and intellectual ones - Confindustria is no longer that of Angelo Costa - A beautiful book by Carlo Galli - Monti must find the courage to raise the shot.

You mount among non-existent strong powers, short-sighted lobbies and reluctant elites

Have the powers that be abandoned the Monti government? The Prime Minister himself says it partly on the edge of irony and partly seriously, causing the immediate reaction of the newspapers of the two extremes which seize the opportunity to declare the technicians' experiment finished and to invoke a rapid back to "politics". But who are these powers that be? Big finance, Trilateral, Bilderberg, Freemasonry? Or on the Italian side Confindustria, the trade unions, some newspapers such as Corriere or Repubblica? Nobody knows, indeed the truth is that in Italy there are no hegemonic powers, there are no elites capable of combining the defense of their own interests with the more general ones of the country. And that's why we tend to squander our fortunes and are always on the verge of catastrophe.

In any case, Monti's is an unfortunate sentence, which probably betrays an exasperated mood towards ingratitude towards those who have taken on an extremely difficult task in a very delicate moment for the country, with a spirit of sacrifice and without lust for power. Quickly, as soon as we got just a little off the edge, all the corporations started to reclaim their share of the pie regardless of the general compatibility of the system. Intellectuals appear more fond of their theories than of lend a concrete hand to break down the thousand obstacles that must be overcome to make good intentions come true. The parties have found it convenient to unload their responsibilities on the Government by trusting in the short memory of the Italians who are already forgetting the long-term reasons why we have ended up in a dead end.

I sindacati they are tenaciously anchored to old conceptions according to which work and wages are safeguarded by increasing public spending and making the rich pay with a wealth tax and with a taxation on financial income (already decimated by the collapse of the stock exchanges and the value of bonds). There Confindustria he says he wants to defend businesses and calls for lower taxes and less bureaucracy. Right claims, but in such a difficult moment, a ruling class worthy of the name should also indicate "how" to achieve these results and lend a hand to the Government in support of its reformist initiatives which most affect the quiet life of the most aggressive corporations. Instead, when it came to a little battle on the labor market and on article 18, Confindustria promptly withdrew, leaving only the Government to face the opposition of the left enslaved by old and harmful taboos.

La the truth is that even Confindustria is no longer fighting on the front of innovation, which in the past had legitimized its existence and its defense of the interests of companies, considered precisely to coincide with the general interest of the country. He is no longer inspired by Angelo Costa who in the post-war period had clarified the mission of Confindustria as an organization aimed not so much at defending existing businesses but at future ones that have yet to be born.

Once again in this situation the myopia, the apathy, the narrowly conservative and stay-at-home tendency of the Italian elites stands out, described in a nice book by Carlo Galli: “The reluctant ones. The Italian elites facing responsibility”, presented just yesterday by the Laterza publishing house. Our problem is that we are faced with an unambitious ruling class, which limits itself to defending its particular interests by settling for small privileges or salaries (high, but not such as to make Bill Gates accumulate large fortunes) refusing to assume more general responsibilities but limiting himself to exercising his veto power on any innovation that could endanger his quiet life.

Monti interpreted his mandate as coach to the letter, refusing to see that once at Palazzo Chigi the choices one makes are in any case political, i.e. they imply the need to overcome the resistance of those who feel threatened or defeat the ambitions of those who believe to be able to take advantage of the difficult situation to conquer power. He therefore moved with caution on the most delicate areas such as that of cutting public spending and even more so on the revision of the perimeter of the public sector, i.e. the one controlled by the parties which, on the intermediation of the money that passes through the institutions, forage customers and therefore leave secure the votes. At the same time too little has been done to streamline bureaucracy (one of the most conservative sectors of the country), to reform the judiciary and the organization of the courts which ensure Justice in such a long time that it can no longer be considered true Justice.

Now the problem is not to waste this opportunity to put Italy back in a position of greater strength so as to be able to face the turmoil in the world economy which does not seem destined to end any time soon. And on the international front, Monti is a precious and irreplaceable resource for our country. The prime minister and the entire government must realize that governing means having patience but also challenging opponents at the right moment to corner them and prevent them from doing any harm. We must not be afraid to tell public opinion where the real enemies lurk, avoiding resorting to empty formulas such as those of the so-called "strong powers".

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