From 1994 to the present day, it is the first time that the centre-left parties which presented themselves in the elections in different ways (Ulivo, Unione, coalition or divided and in controversy with each other) cannot count – if defeated in the polls – on a “second time" in which the CGIL (always alone, sometimes together with the other confederations) takes charge of "showing the green mice" to centre-right governments, harshly contesting their political action (from the war on pensions to the one on the Biagi law , from school reforms to "connected work", obviously without neglecting the budget laws year after year).
In some circumstances, just to confirm an intransigent line of conduct, the CGIL even distanced itself from the negotiations with the natural counterparts, giving effect to a series of separate agreements at the confederation and category level. So much so that one wonders (the concern that for years has been the basis of the discussions between the candidates for the presidency on viale dell'Astronomia) whether the industrial relations system could work with three pistons (Cisl, Uil and Confindustria) instead of four . Conversely, every time the elections gave the country a majority and a centre-left government, the CGIL presented itself to collect the support assured to the new winners in the opposition's tough times.
After a period of bewilderment at the time of the technical executive (supported with great loyalty and sacrifice by Pierluigi Bersani's Pd), in the XVII legislature the historic alliance between the CGIL and the supply chain (Pds-Ds-Pd) inherited from the de cuis Pci , she was sensationally worn out. The Confederation of Corso d'Italia contested the main initiatives of the Renzi government in the field of work (from the reform of fixed-term contracts to the jobs act) and, despite the adjustments made through the resumption of negotiations with the trade unions (the Ape package and Rita, the implementation of the 14th month salary for pensioners, the benefits for the so-called early retirement and the safeguards for the redundant), has never given up on asking for the substantial abrogation of the Fornero reform on pensions. Here, then, is a novelty that is not talked about: the Democratic Party is alone in opposing the winners (of Pirro) of 4 March. The CGIL is about to go with the enemy.
Those registered in the polls have already done so (many also voted for the League); we are waiting for the management group that in recent years has toyed with the formations to the left of the Democratic Party to take note of it, before realizing that their coveted protagonism on the political scene has only resulted in a poor appearance. Maurizio Landini, one of the candidates to succeed Susanna Camusso (he is also being thought of as Cid Campeador of the redemption of the hard and pure left), has no doubts: “There is a need to give the country a government. It's not up to me to indicate which government, but there are problems that need to be addressed, starting with a discussion with the Europe that needs to be changed”. And he adds: “If you have political forces like Cinque Stelle and Lega that get more than 50% of the votes, it is clear that a large part of the working people may have voted for them. The union has not given voting indications for some time. The union is not in question but the economic and social policies made in the last five years ". He was echoed by Pino Gesmundo, secretary of the Apulian CGIL who will host the replacement congress in Bari next year: "In the North - argued the trade unionist - for years the metalworkers of the Fiom have voted massively for the League, this time in the South the consensus went to the M5S. The workers reject a left that fails to interpret the needs of the weaker sections but, on the other hand, they do not abandon the union”. "The issues that allowed the two most voted parties - he continued - to win great consensus, from the abolition of the Fornero law to the overcoming of the Jobs Act, are the same ones on which the CGIL has been fighting for years".
The reaction of the CGIL to the outcome of the vote of 4 March, albeit embarrassed, is significant: satisfaction ("we told you so!") is disguised by an attitude of concern (for certain murderous declarations against the union and its "privileges ” at the time heralded by the “grillini” when they had not yet worn the double-breasted suit). None of the union leaders, however, dares to pronounce Matteo Renzi's “jamais'' regarding a possible dialogue with the winners of the elections. Moreover, it is true that there is a broad programmatic convergence, which goes well beyond the aspects mentioned by the secretary of Puglia. Lastly, it is enough to note the significant "waltz tour" between the new president of the Chamber, Roberto Fico, and the secretary Susanna Camusso.
The latter asked the third state office to bring the popular initiative bill (presented by the CGIL itself with the support of millions of signatures) pompously defined as the "Charter of universal labor rights" to the Montecitorio Assembly for examination . A text that no one had taken seriously until now, because its approval would result in a condition of legal and social protection of workers that has never been seen in the world; except that there would no longer be companies and workplaces in which to exercise those rights, because no entrepreneur could carry out his business having to manage personnel according to those rules. Fico did not miss the opportunity: "I gladly welcome - he replied by return of post - your proposal to meet to talk about the Universal Labor Rights Charter, or rather the popular initiative law that has collected over one million signatures.
Paths and moments of confrontation such as these fit fully into the conception of Parliament as a place open to citizens, in which the institutions of direct democracy envisaged by the Constitution receive the utmost attention and become living matter. Popular initiative law proposals, in particular, represent an extraordinary tool for helping citizens and institutions grow together. In my opinion – he concluded – they have been underestimated by these Chambers for too long, but the time has come for a change. This is why I reiterate my availability for the meeting, with the hope of being able to organize it as soon as possible”. The M5S cannot think of keeping a third of the electorate with just the Rousseau platform and direct democracy through the internet.
The intermediate formations, the associative structures, thanks to the political viability they enjoy, can drain, consolidate and prolong the power, always volatile and liquid (as they say now), conquered through the vote. This is why we must expect a takeover bid not only on the electorate remaining within the dem perimeter, but on the CGIL itself, with a pincer action: from below through the conquest of grassroots bodies and from above, by enlisting some authoritative executives looking for a "new way" to be leftist. Of course, it is more difficult for the League (which tried unsuccessfully to form its own "Padano" union, the Sinpa) to make its way into the trade union world. There are more prejudices against Matteo Salvini's party, especially on the subject of immigration. At least until everyone realizes that the mythical working class shares the slogan "blacks out" more than the reasoning on welcoming and integrating the "different".
