Giorgio Napolitano beats Silvio Berlusconi 5 - 0. The speech with which the President Emeritus of the Republic Napolitano blessed the constitutional reform of the Senate yesterday at Palazzo Madama ends with a standing ovation after the provocative exit from the hall of the forced and grillini the first slaves of the grotesque hysteria of their leader and the second prisoners of an endemic and irrepressible populism. On the other hand, it is a real harakiri that of former premier Silvio Berlusconi, who, having learned of Napolitano's intervention, loses his temper ("Anyone who carried out a coup in 2011 shouldn't really talk") and does not notice that the the former Head of State is about to make an opening on the Italicum which the right (but also the Bersan minority of the Democratic Party) should only please. But even in politics, class is not water, and if one doesn't have it, one can only blame oneself for the isolation to which one is condemned, as is happening to Berlusconi.
“I have read – Napolitano would later write to the group leader of Forza Italia senators, Paolo Romani – ignoble words attributed to Berlusconi, which should lead me to sue him if I did not want to avoid entrusting historical-political judgments to the judiciary and if a feeling did not hold me back from doing so of pity towards a person who is now the victim of his own, pathological, obsessions".
As for the ridiculous accusations of conspiracy for the crisis of the last Berlusconi government, which even before Parliament was blatantly disheartened by the markets, Napolitano has a long memory and sarcastically observes: "if they had been convinced that the Quirinale in 2011 had concocted a coup, they wouldn't have come to me two years later, begging me to run again…”.
But, beyond Berlusconi's broken reactions and Napolitano's punctual replies, there are two first-rate political elements that marked yesterday's day: the almost definitive approval of the constitutional reform of the Senate, which certainly represented the most critical passage of Matteo Renzi's autumn, and Napolitano's openings on the revision of the Italicum.
On the reform of the Senate, Corriere della Sera enjoyed making its report cards: 7 for Renzi, 8 for Boschi, 5 for Berlusconi, 6 for Finocchiaro, 5,5 for Grasso, 3 for Gotor, 6 for Verdini, 7 for Taverna and 4 in Calderoli. Agree on everything except Finocchiaro, whose mediating ability ended up breaking the inconceivable resistance of President Grasso and deserves a full 8.
But let's come to the second point, the more political one, with which Napolitano reopened the Italicum front with sobriety and elegance. electoral and institutional balances" and demonstrated by the minority of the Democratic Party, by SEL, by Ncd, by Verdini and by Forza Italia. But Napolitano was clear: no games and subterfuges but "the government and those who lead the majority" will have to take charge of the worries.
What is the crux of the Italicum? Keep the majority prize for the list that gets the most votes or change the text of the law attributing it to the coalition that wins? It is not a trivial matter because it conditions the choice or otherwise of electoral alliances and, ultimately, the outcome of future elections and the future legislature. For now, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi says it is "absurd and out of time" to talk about revising the Italicum just a few months after its approval, but the legislature is long and today no one can say whether the games cannot reopen. But, after the referendum on the reform of the Senate and after the very important local elections in Rome, Milan and Naples next spring, who knows.
