The new electoral law, approved in April 2015 in a very controversial climate, has become - after the launch of the constitutional reform law which is about to be submitted to a referendum - a focal point of the political debate. The decision, taken before the summer by the Montecitorio group leaders, to place the discussion on a motion presented in June on the topic of "initiatives regarding the reform of the electoral law" now promises to make even the waters of the post-weekday recovery are more agitated.
The document, which has Arturo Scotto di Sel as its first signatory and was also signed by the exponents of the Italian Left (who left the Democratic Party), is very harsh: he labels the new discipline as a worsened re-edition of the defunct Porcellum, denounces its "obvious profiles of unconstitutionality" and proposes to "examine and deliberate very quickly" on a radical reform of the measure passed just 15 months ago.
The motivation formally put forward by the proponents is that the Parliament should anticipate the ruling of illegitimacy by the Constitutional Court which they consider entirely probable. As it will be recalled, in fact, as a result of appeals filed in several Courts of the Republic and on the basis of an order of the Court of Messina, the Consulta was called into question which, on the subject, will hold a public hearing fixed, at present, for the next October 4th.
But is it so certain that the fate of the Italicum is that of a newborn strangled in the cradle? Are you absolutely sure that this is a completely reprehensible rule? And, above all, what are the alternatives that could concretely take shape in a condition like the current one?
Many politicians and observers argue that it should be the prime minister (and secretary of the major party) who takes responsibility for an initiative. But Matteo Renzi replies - he also told Corriere della Sera yesterday - that he considers the Italicum "an excellent electoral law".
It therefore seems rather bizarre to expect that, after having spent so much to get it approved, it is he who wants to make the first move to demolish it. However - suitably sensitive to authoritative voices such as that of Giorgio Napolitano - the head of government also adds that he does not want to "barricade" and does not oppose an updated survey of the political positions present on the subject in Parliament and any changes based, moreover, , on acceptable understandings.
In the background, however, two "poles" mark his position: the first, obvious, is that it is up to the opposition groups to discover their cards; the second, more under the radar, is linked to the hope that the verdict of the Consulta will ultimately result, even if corrective, not demolishing the new electoral legislation.
While awaiting the Court, therefore, it is very probable that the discussion that begins today in the Chamber will be reduced to resembling a rigodon, the ancient Savoyard dance dear to the writer Céline: a dance with many variations but with a single outcome. After complicated jumps and impetuous gyrations, those who took part find themselves in the end in the same starting position.
