It is widely believed that the European elections have relaunched the bipolar disorder and destroyed the liberal centre e reformist. However, it is doubtful that this is a long-term trend and not an occasional result due mostly to the errors of the center parties that presented themselves to the judgment of divided voters, not on the contents but due to personal resentments that are difficult to understand. . This applies to Renzi and for calenda. The case of Forza Italia, Berlusconi's party now led by, is different Tajani, which is firmly anchored to the right-wing government even if, unlike the last twenty years, it is no longer the fulcrum of the coalition.
There is space for a liberal and reformist center
To understand if there really will be no more space at the center (or rather for a liberal and reformist, pro-European and Atlanticist party) we need to answer two questions: firstly if there is still a central space to occupy, and secondly if it is really in the country's interest to move towards a bipolar system which, as has been demonstrated in the past with i Berlusconi governments e Prodi it has never ensured government stability, and indeed the coalitions have been shattered due to incurable political conflicts. And these were coalitions where the predominant force was anchored in the center or at least in a non-unrealistic reformism. Now when the traction of coalitions is instead placed at the extremes with a very weak moderate centre, the risk of sudden changes in foreign and economic policy has greatly increased. And it won't be the ugly one reform of the premiership to remedy the instability of governments.
Mario Monti has shown that the premiership is not good
As he noted Mario Monti in his latest book “Demagonia. Where the politics of illusions leads” It is not true that presidential systems ensure greater stability and efficiency in governing. Or rather: this happened when the system tended to converge towards the centre, while today the race towards the extremes predominates which puts not only policies at risk of reversals, but the democratic system itself. Look at what is happening in the USA and what is happening in France these days.
It would therefore not be far-fetched to assume that one exists liberal center space and that there is a portion of the electorate (close to 20%) that could rebalance the system by interrupting the race towards demagogic extremism and that spreads illusions that in the end only create further disaffection among the electorate. The Tajani's party, who after the death of Cav Berlusconi many thought was dead, had a good success at the European elections, stepping over la Alloy di Salvini. Tajani himself and then Moratti and other party representatives immediately declared that they were available to offer a home to the million and a half voters who were left without representation. For deputies and senators of Italia Viva e Azione we will see on a case by case basis in order to avoid an assault on the diligence of the probable winner.
Forza Italia must counter the extremists of the League
It won't be an easy operation. FI it is too tied to the center right and it is too much not very liberal to attract significant shares of voters from a clearly reformist center.
But to tempt it, Tajani and his leadership group should begin to contest the most extremist initiatives of their government allies, avoiding continuing with submissive attitudes, masked by the need not to bring down the Prime Minister Meloni.
A responsible attitude that Salvini instead does not adopt and which in any case leads him to score a few goals without bringing down the government.
The first thing to do to establish itself as a true center party would be to stop the Calderoli law on 'differentiated autonomy which will be discussed in the Chamber for final approval from Tuesday. This is a crazy law that will not only ruin Italy but will make the regions themselves less efficient and much more expensive. It has been demonstrated unequivocally that not only do many aspects of the law suffer from a flaw in constitutionality, but that it will be impossible to establish LEPs (essential performance levels) for all regions unless the government's accounts are ruined. State. Furthermore, many of the subjects that are not part of the Lep, such as energy, transport, etc., cannot be addressed at a regional level, and indeed often the national dimension is not even enough. Instead, it is hoped that for certain sectors (in addition to energy, the green transition, telecommunications, defense) delegation will be given to Europe to have truly efficient policies.
The law on autonomies must be totally rethought
Tajani cannot be satisfied with an agenda which, as is known, does not bind the government, and vote for such a reform. He should fight to amend the text in many points and thus force its return to the Senate. And in all likelihood, the complete remake of the discussion on autonomies by first looking to see if the current regions have really worked and how the state machine can be made more efficient by clearly distinguishing the competences and avoiding delays and legal conflicts.
Salvini could put a risk the government. It is legitimate to doubt that the League could risk being in the opposition and ending up in irrelevance. And in any case, if Tajani really wants to present himself as a liberal and moderate force, he must begin to put his foot down on the follies of extremist forces like the League who, for small personal interests, risk sending the entire country into a tailspin.
