But is there anyone who can really believe in Giuseppe Conte's sudden Europeanism, which emerged like a UFO from the recent parliamentary debate on the crisis? It is true that Italians are notoriously gullible, because otherwise they would not have allowed themselves to be seduced in the last elections by the sovereign area ranging from the League and the Brothers of Italy to the Five Stars, even if for some time the allure of power seems to have induced grillini to milder advice. But there is usually a limit to the clouding of reason and sometimes someone refuses to be fooled.
It doesn't take long to figure that out the appeal to the values of Europeanism as to the glorious traditions of the popular and socialists is nothing more than the magic formula which Conte has invented in the last few hours to ennoble the refugees he hopes to embark to shore up his shaky majority. And it doesn't matter if this casual political make-up operation forced the Prime Minister to change sides for the third time in the short span of the first part of the legislature.
How can you think that the premier's is not an obvious transformative ploy when Giuseppe Conte is the same one who on the one hand praises Europeanism and on the other rejects the use of the health month without appeal, which is precisely one of the main novelties of the new course of the European Union? Conte says: “But only Renzi wants the Mes because it is a divisive issue”. Right, but if it's a divisive issue, which side is the premier on? Of course, from the anti-European anti-Mes that indulges the Pavlovian reflexes of its pentastellati friends.
Only a prime minister's ultra like Goffredo Bettini, the ineffable political adviser to Nicola Zingaretti, can challenge the sense of ridicule by arguing that Conte's neo-Europeanism is "the real turning point he made Italy make". "Epochal" and sorry if it is little.
After all, how can you believe Conte's Europeanism without forgetting the speech that the premier - then at the head of the Lega-Five Star government - made to the UN general assembly to profess his sovereignty and populism? But, more simply, how do you accept Conte's Europeanism with clams as good, who, without blushing, went from leading a sovereign government to leading a government with the Democratic Party and the Five Stars?
Some time ago, in an interview with FIRSTonline, the philosopher and former parliamentarian Biagio De Giovanni proposed a sort of litmus test on the sincerity and goodness of Conte's new anti-sovereign intentions, wondering if the prime minister would have ever thought of unloading the League from his first government if Matteo Salvini hadn't tripped over Papeete's sensational own goal and it hadn't been him who caused the unraveling of the sovereign government at the beginning of the legislature. That question still awaits an answer. But it is all too easy to predict that it will not arrive because the facts do the talking.
