The tiring "mènage a trois" on industrial relations between trade unions, Confindustria and the government produces intermittent and contradictory signals, likely destined to continue. Without concrete results, beyond signs of goodwill from the parties, it really risks turning into a dialogue for the deaf.
CGIL, CISL and UIL have abandoned all preconceptions and declare themselves ready to discuss anything. George Squinzi he affirms that he does not want to question the national contract but asks that the recovery of inflation take place not on forecasts which could (as has happened) prove to be fallacious but on actual figures and that the remuneration dynamics are linked to company results. At the same time he unexpectedly sends an insidious message, all to be interpreted, on administrative transparency: "It is not clear why the union does not show its accounts".
But, dialectical skirmishes aside, the heart of the problem lies in the increase in productivity (certainly not only for the industrial sector) which is one of the fundamental conditions for making our economy grow through greater competitiveness. If the situation remains in a stalemate, the government could intervene, which has already launched an interventionist policy on labor issues with the Jobs Act and with the inclusion of archaeological and cultural sites among essential public services.
It is no mystery that Renzi has in mind to implement the constitutional rules governing the rules of trade union representation and the methods of exercising the right to strike (articles 39 and 40 of the Constitution) but it would not be a short-term goal. Without serious problems, the government could exercise the delegation obtained from Parliament for the introduction of the minimum wage, a measure opposed by the CGIL, CISL and UIL and also viewed with suspicion by business organizations, but which realistically would have effects (presumably not negative) only on the marginalized in the labor market, objectively difficult to protect even for trade unions.
On the other hand, the government could influence, effectively and in a reasonably short time, accelerating company bargaining if it decided to significantly increase the incentives for productivity-related bargaining. We could go from the current 2000 to 4000 euros per year of tax relief for all employees with a maximum gross annual income which could in turn rise to 40-50.000 euros from the current 30.000.
All the more if, as is feared, concrete results from the tables of national contracts do not arrive, it is foreseeable that in medium-large companies supplementary claim platforms will arise which would give life "de facto" to a system of company contracts that could replace the national contract. In short, the FCA model of Sergio Marchionne which Squinzi and Renzi seem to inspire today.
More difficult in the short term would be the spread of territorial agreements for employees of small businesses. Strong is the hostility of entrepreneurial organizations that fear actually being forced into a double level of negotiation. However, it is correct to observe that a growing labor market makes it possible to obtain even in smaller companies, albeit through individual bargaining, a salary that is not de facto flattened to the minimums of the national contract.
A vigorous recovery of articulated bargaining in medium and large companies will certainly not immediately involve the vast majority of workers. But as always, the benefits obtained in company agreements will spread throughout the territories, constituting points of reference for further initiatives.
Confirming that not all evil has a silver lining, these events are likely to produce a "New Age" in the Italian trade union, bringing out a new management team for each organization starting from the corporate and local level with strong unit bonds consolidated in the communes contractual experiences. In a short time, they could become the backbone of an authoritative and representative trade union (unitary or united? Who will live to see) capable of bringing decision-making power (responsibility) back to the workplace to govern complex realities, deal with difficult situations, not with the aim of fueling conflicts for their own sake but to find solutions.
We will thus witness the metamorphosis of the union and the overall turnover of its management groups, not only for personal reasons, but as a result of a contractual policy also understood as an instrument of support for safety, employment, job quality and the competitiveness of the business.
