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European Commission, the difficult choices of the Juncker era

The Luxembourger obtained the support of the other two most numerous parliamentary groups, the Socialists & Democrats and the Liberal Democrats – Pittella (S&D): “Loyal support but monitoring of compliance with the commitments” – Verhofstadt (Alde): “The Commission recovers the right of initiative and forget the clerks'.

European Commission, the difficult choices of the Juncker era

Determined enough, captivating when needed, almost always in conversation. In two words: very skilled politician. The Christian Democrat Jean-Claude Juncker achieved the objective of the presidency of the European Commission with the support of a fairly large parliamentary majority (422 yes out of 729 voters, more than those obtained by Barroso in 2004 and 2009), and in any case higher than previous forecasts. However, without having achieved the "mission impossible" of a number of "yes" equal to the sum of all MEPs (479) of the three political groups - Popular, Socialist & Democratic, Liberal Democrat - who officially supported his candidacy.

Beyond the numbers, which are crucial in a democracy, the election of the former Luxembourg prime minister and former president of the Eurogroup nonetheless marks a turning point in the more than fifty-year journey of European integration. A turning point that the president of the European Parliament Martin Schulz has insistently defined as historic and which led Juncker himself to exclaim, immediately after the announcement of the result, that "the music of democracy is playing in the European Parliament!". Definitions, these, which certainly reflect the emotion of the moment. But which in any case rest on a serious political foundation: the raising of the level of participation, albeit indirect, of citizens in the choice of rulers.

And in fact the complicated procedural mechanism inaugurated on this occasion for the choice of the top European Executive - a) nomination of the candidate by each European party (a definition that has not yet found widespread and consolidated confirmation in national political realities), b) choice of candidate by the European Council (therefore by the governments) "taking into account the result of the European elections", c) vote of the European Parliament by qualified majority (half plus one of its total members) - at the moment that mechanism can be considered only a sketch of an instrument of representative democracy.

That's not much, one might argue. But we can safely say that it is in any case a significant step forward compared to the agreements between the governments of the member states, which constituted the unwritten rule followed up to five years ago in the procedure for choosing the president of the Commission. A step forward to the extent that – it seems appropriate to underline this – will be confirmed by the form and substance of the management of the European executive by Juncker and the commissioners who will soon be called to support him.

On this aspect, the new president – ​​who deserves undeniable credit for having published on his website, in all EU languages, a month before the European elections (for which he was not a candidate) the priorities of his government program in the event of an election – left more than one avenue open in his statements immediately before and after the vote. "As is usual" for a long-time politician like him.

So that Juncker in the hall, before the vote, took the highway towards the relaunch of economic growth and the fight against unemployment, especially among young people. However, indicating the tools, the stages, the objectives. And therefore financial stimuli (“fiscal capacity”, he said: perhaps the creation of a fund) for the member states that have embarked on a fruitful path of reforms; a substantial program of public and private investments worth 300 billion over the next three years, the roadmap of which "should be ready by February"; the concrete implementation and expansion of the youth guarantee launched by the EU (raising the maximum age of beneficiaries from 25 to 30 years) but which has not yet completed its running-in; the strengthening of the commitment both to support small and medium-sized enterprises (already launched with the COSME programme) and to give a strong boost to research and innovation (there are the 80 billion Horizon 2020).

It's still. Recovery of the leading role of industry in the economy (confirmed the goal, difficult to achieve, of bringing the weight of the sector's product back to 20% of national GDP by 2020). More accelerated development of the digital market. Strong orientation towards energy efficiency targets to reduce the energy dependency ratio. With two emphasis: creation of a European Energy Union that becomes number one in the world in the field of renewables; maintaining the opening of the EU energy market towards our "neighbors" in the East (read above all Russia) but on condition that its price, commercial or political, does not become too high. “In which case Europe will have to be able to switch rapidly to other supply channels”, is the alternative suggested by a super-optimistic president. And firmly oriented towards "restoring the community method in choices".

These are commitments that seem to confirm the profile of a president openly on the side of supporters of growth as an alternative to the austerity line. Indeed, Juncker reiterates that he believes in the social market economy, that he believes that the role of the "troika" in supporting the most indebted countries ("which in reality has above all caused damage") needs to be radically reviewed, that he is convinced that the financial rigor it has done Europe more harm than good.

And yet, at the same time, the new president stated clearly that "the stability and growth pact must not be modified" and that Europe "must not violate the premises of stability". Affirmation reinforced by a curt "I will not violate them!". In this way, also in view of the conclusion of the negotiations with the member states for the choice of commissioners (“There will be a new portfolio, for the application of the Charter of Fundamental Rights”, he announced), a wide margin of negotiating manoeuvre.

On these points Juncker reached agreement with the other two largest parliamentary groups. This was confirmed by Gianni Pittella, president of S&D, with a note that is certainly not secondary. “Our support is convinced and loyal – he specified – but it is not a blank check. We will verify the achievements and will be uncompromising in respecting the commitments”. And Guy Verhofstadt, president of Alde, also reaffirmed the support of the group he leads. Stating that he appreciated the commitments made by Juncker to restore the community method. "The Commission must recover its right of initiative by abandoning the practice of telephoning the chancelleries of the major European capitals before taking any initiative," he said.

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