Il populism and his partner, the sovereigntythey are not born by chance. They do not spring up suddenly on the political terrain and, as happens with weeds, they drive out in a flash the good crops represented by the previous parties and their achievements. In reality, public opinion has gradually changed direction. The prestige of the elites and of Parliament has been undermined by the errors committed by the ruling class itself and by the difficulties encountered in giving a credible positive perspective to the entire population.
La responsibility for years of crisis they have been blamed on the political and economic elites who have often set bad examples of their way of acting. The occupation of each economic sector by politics with the consequent suspicions of corruption and waste of public money, the exhausting parliamentary mediations that often lead to theimmobility, have prompted citizens to look for a shortcut in the withdrawal of any delegation, in the search for the strong man, direct bearer of the popular will, who knows how to break the normative and regulatory chains considered not a guarantee but an obstacle. It is stated a strong pessimism on the future of the nation and of the Western world as a whole and at the same time it goes in search of immediate compensation for the wrongs suffered (true or presumed). The result of these policies aimed at giving immediate satisfaction to citizens' requests is, as we can now clearly see, catastrophic, the exact opposite of the Eden lightly promised by the new demagogues. But get out of this cul de sac it will not be easy. Alessandro Barbano in his new book (The Ten Lies – Mondadori) after an in-depth analysis of the causes and characteristics of the phenomenon of populism, indicates some paths to follow if we want to defeat this loud collective drunkenness.
There is no illusions, the battle will be long, but above all we must not make mistakes in the first moves. In fact, the attempt to fight populism by descending on its own terrain, as was partly done in previous years, is doomed to fail. On the contrary, it confirms in the minds of the protesters the correctness of the positions taken by the new Grillini or Northern League movements. We must not chase the populists in terms of promises. The many lies that they tell, even if for now they have not significantly affected their electoral consensus, are nevertheless destined to be unmasked as soon as possible. Whoever wants to fight the demagogic fury of the new tribunes must firstly understand the nature of the phenomenon well and then have the courage to present yourself to the people with a truthful operation, explaining things, and having the patience that as soon as possible reality will take charge of unmasking the lies told so far.
Barbano examines in detail the five pillars that hold apparently different and distant forces united to the Government. The sovereignty which means anti-globalization and isolationism, is not only the prerogative of the League, but also the 5 Stars largely find themselves in this type of defense against the bad world that does not understand us. The second element that unites the two government forces is the statism. The third is its corollary and that is the dirigisme. Both distrust the market and want politics to be the direct expression of the people to decide. Suffice it to recall the nationalization proposals and the accusations against the spread and the independent authorities. The fourth element is thewelfarism. There is no need to illustrate in detail the so-called flagship measures of the two movements, namely share 100 e CBI. The fifth element is the justicialism where justice is replaced by the pillory. Suspicion prevails over the meditated judgment of the magistrates.
But all these are elements that were also found in massive doses in the parties of the first and second republics. If to these we add the bad immigration management one can well say that the left handed the keys to the building to the populists, having failed to understand the fears of the Italians both those towards immigration and those for an economic and social change that appeared to be poorly managed and therefore full of risks. But these are not only political but above all cultural shortcomings. Barbano cites, for example, Ezio Mauro's article in Repubblica against the turning point that Minniti was trying to give to a reckless policy of generalized and disorganized reception. Mauro says that "humanitarian sentiment" has disappeared given that the Government (Gentiloni) "has started chasing right-wing mimetic postures".
In foreign policy then the disaster is practically complete. We are isolated in Europe, where we are now viewed with suspicion as many think that our financial unruliness could sooner or later fall on their shoulders. In a globalized world it takes little to understand that a small country would have no real autonomy, but could only choose who to sell itself to among the existing great powers.
How to get out? Barbanus lists ten lies of the grillopopulists trying to explain how to counter them. But it could have been many more. Just think that Il Foglio has identified as many as 271 in just 300 days of government, almost one a day. And in the end, beyond the individual points to be contested, Barbano's general suggestion to fight populism can be summarized as follows: the new political leadership will have to express exceptional seriousness in political choices, but also in behaviour, style, in the choice of travel companions. We need to counter the caciarone plebeianism of those who want to look like the people with one credibility based on transparency and skills acquired with merit. Good intentions, but, as a famous TV drama says, God bless us!
