Stop the carousel, please. I have never considered Renzi and his lily (let's stop calling him magical, given the results) as something politically exceptional, but what is happening these days is perhaps even worse. Lots here, Lots there, but where's the problem? The game of power requires that those who believe they are legitimized by the popular vote do their utmost to "manage" the decisions of those who can afford to escape the voter's judgement. And as long as this happens without breaking that huge number of laws that our country exhibits as an absolute record in the Western world, where is the problem? My relationship with the world of justice began 60 years ago in Turin and I want to tell it because it can be enlightening.
My father was regional secretary of the CISL of Piedmont, a trade union he had helped to found, and at the height of a season of struggles for the renewal of contracts (yes, I'm talking about the Paleolithic) he was summoned together with his colleague from the CGIL for a demonstration on the whose authorization there was some doubt. At the end of the hearing, the judge said to him in a low voice: "Look, I know that you have done things in order, but if I acquit you, I must also acquit the secretary of the CGIL, and I cannot afford this". This was the air we breathed in the fifties and sixties. An air that he suggested to the union of journalists numerous forms of struggle against a judiciary who always tried to gag, and against the acquiescence of the top newspapers.
And after a big conference held in Turin (“Clean Pens” was the somewhat trivial title but we were at the dawn of “fantasy in power”), the the turning point that leads straight to today's situation. In a political meeting between representatives of left-wing parties, to which a member of the Christian Democratic left of Forze Nuove (headed by Donat Cattin) was also invited, it was decided that there was no room for dialogue with a judiciary which to a large extent had lived the experience of Fascism and that the only practicable way was to train young people in political schools to be included as the competitions were held. Shared decision even if the only party to put it into practice was the Communist party.
And so today we are faced with the real problem that does not concern politics, however inadequate, ignorant, vulgar, allergic to the sacred intellect of the elites, but instead concerns a judiciary that has lost the sense of impartiality and has done so, perhaps, because it was formed for another purpose, to be an active part of a project which has changed over time but which has maintained the rites and intrigues of the past. That's all. And please stop the merry-go-round before it's too late, for if we can bear, admittedly with some annoyance, that the struggle against the top newspaper bosses in the sixties has resulted in a robust core of colleagues over the last thirty, hard and pure, has turned into the mailbox of some prosecutors, the system would hardly hold up to the collapse of Justice.
