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Bassanini: "Macron, a shock for France, for Europe and also for Italy"

INTERVIEW OF THE WEEKEND with FRANCO BASSANINI, adviser to the Prime Minister, former minister and president of Astrid: "A victory for Macron in the French presidential elections would pave the way for a new political course by demonstrating that populism can be beaten not by chasing it but by challenging it" -“ Macron and Renzi? Each has his own personality but both have a strong will for change and discontinuity, a reforming passion and great faith in the future ”.

Bassanini: "Macron, a shock for France, for Europe and also for Italy"

“A victory by Emmanuel Macron in the French presidential elections would represent a strong shock for France, for Europe and to some extent also for Italy: it would pave the way for a new political course by demonstrating that populism can be beaten not by chasing it but by challenging it with constructive proposals for modernization and reform; and that the schemes and political alignments of the XNUMXth and XNUMXth centuries are definitively outdated”. The speaker knows Macron well and does not hide all his sympathy for the leader of En Marche. AND' Franco Bassanini, refined jurist, president of Astrid and Open Fiber, adviser to the Prime Minister and former Minister of Public Administration in the first Prodi government when he launched the public administration reform that bears his name.

Bassanini has he has always had a special relationship with France of which he knows all the elite, both right and left, who has expressed his appreciation several times, calling him to join numerous study commissions, including the famous Attali Commission, and the board of directors of ENA where he met Emmanuel Macron in the early XNUMXs. FIRSTonline asked him for a profile of the liberal-progressive candidate for the Elysée and, inevitably, a comparison with Matteo Renzi. Here is the interview. 

President Bassanini, it is said that Emmanuel Macron made his debut on the French public scene in 2006 in the Attali Commission for the liberation of growth of which you were a part together with Mario Monti and the best intellectuals, public and private managers and French entrepreneurs: it was on that occasion who knew him and what impression did he make on you? 

“No, in truth I had met him a few years earlier, in 2002, at ENA when I was on the board of directors and he was still a student. Then, even before the Attali Commission, we got to know each other better in the Comité d'évaluation des strategies ministerielles de réforme to which Raffarin had nominated me thanks to the public administration reform that bears my name and which has been studied and appreciated in France… more than in Italy. Macron was his rapporteur and he immediately made a great impression on me: at the age of 26-7 he was already super, very competent and very well prepared. Due to his cultural depth and intellectual brilliance, he reminded me a bit of Giuliano Amato, 35 years younger. Then we met and got to know each other better when he became general secretary of the Gracques group, a liberal-socialist think tank that greatly contributed to his political maturation and with which our Astrid is twinned. The work of the Attali Commission, of which he was also a rapporteur, cemented my friendship and my esteem for him, which was then strengthened during his subsequent political and government career".

Some say that in some way you and Monti, by helping to write the Final Report of the Attali Commission, inspired Macron's current program which has treasured that Report. 

“Too much honor. Even if he had wanted to, Macron could not have replicated the Attali Report in his program for the simple consideration that almost 80% of the recommendations of that Report have already been implemented. What is true, however, is that Macron has made some of the inspirations of the Attali Commission his own, such as the strong idea of ​​freeing the energies of the economy and society, harnessed by too many bureaucratic and regulatory constraints, such as the obsession with investments in human capital (from nursery schools to universities, to training), considered the priority of public policy priorities, and as the positive and optimistic vision of France and Europe, which are not condemned to decline if they make the necessary reforms”.  

And now that you are a candidate for the Presidency of the Republic of France, what is your opinion of Macron and what are his greatest strengths and weaknesses? 

“I state that I am not an impartial judge because I am too close to Macron. Among his greatest qualities I see the excellence of his cultural preparation, both economic and legal, clearly superior to the average of European leaders. Among his defects, even if corrected in his recent presidential campaign, I see instead a lack of empathy in his communication, which is a bit too indirect and cerebral and not very charismatic. But it is on the contents that Macron's novelty is most striking".

In what sense? 

“First of all because Macron understood very clearly that populism cannot be fought by pursuing it but by challenging it with constructive proposals that address the problems and inconveniences it feeds on. Secondly because he has shown himself perfectly aware that Europe needs to be profoundly refounded but it is the only answer we have to overcome the challenges of globalisation. Thirdly, because he understood that Europe and France need discontinuity both in terms of ideas and of the ruling classes. Finally, Macron understood that electoral programs are not government programs, they must mobilize consciences, motivate passions, appeal to values, indicate major objectives, but at the same time they must be consistent with precise reform projects that will be the heart of the government program ”.

In a word, how could we classify Macron politically? Liberal, progressive, centrist, liberal-socialist, left-liberal or what? 

“He is a modern liberal who knows how to bring together the best of the liberal democratic and liberal socialist soul and culture. Pragmatic as he is, Macron shies away from definitions. But he is not far from that model of modern social market economy which the Germans like and which was adopted by the Treaty of Lisbon; he will have no difficulty getting along with Angela Merkel, but he will not be passively subjected to German guidance. I'll tell you about an unpublished fact that clarifies Macron's orientation on Europe better than many words".

You're welcome. 

“In December 2015, during a dinner that opened the annual conference of French insurance companies, Enrico Letta made a very in-depth and refined analysis of the problems of the European Union and argued that, to solve them, it was necessary, like it or not, to relaunch the Franco-German axis. Macron declared that he shared Letta's analysis 100%, but not the conclusion because, in his opinion, the relationship of forces between Germany and France is now too unbalanced in favor of the Germans and a two-way axis would result in a Europe under German hegemony. On the contrary, Macron said on that occasion, to relaunch Europe we need an engine made up of three or four large countries in which Italy and perhaps Spain together with France can counterbalance Germany and push towards policies more favorable to growth and to investments".

Does this mean that, if a reformist force wins in the next elections in Italy, will it be possible to side with Macron's France for a new Europe? 

“The conditions are there, but in the middle there is the uncertainty of many electoral appointments. In particular, will Italy be in a position to seize this opportunity?”.

But if Emmanuel Macron wins the presidential elections on Sunday 7 May and conquers the Elysée at the age of less than forty, what will really change for France and for Europe? 

“I think a victory for Macron would be a good shock for France, for Europe and to some extent for Italy as well. After the first encouraging signs of the elections in Austria and the Netherlands, Macron's success would mark a clear defeat of populism and sovereignty and the relaunch of a strategy that focuses on strengthening the European Union, on modernization policies and reforms aimed at exploiting opportunities and mitigate the risks of globalization and the technological revolution, to reduce inequalities and manage migratory phenomena without retreating to one's own home and without looking for scapegoats in the face of the complexity of the problems”.

There is no risk that Macron's eventual victory in the presidential elections will end up resulting in a halved victory in the French general elections in June where the leader of En Marche, not having a solid party behind him, is not necessarily able to collect its majority and that it does not have to resign itself to cohabitation with a premier of a different political sign that would probably dampen its renewal impetus? 

"The risk exists, but the conquest of the Elysée usually has a driving effect on legislative elections".

Macron's affirmation on the French scene inevitably leads to confrontation with Matteo Renzi's leadership in Italy: do the common points or differences prevail between the two? 

“Everyone has his own personality and the national contexts are different but, together with the differences, one cannot fail to see in Renzi and Macron a strong common will for change and discontinuity, an unequivocal reforming and modernizing passion, a lot of courage and a lot of dynamism and great faith in the future. Both have understood that the political systems of the twentieth century are behind us. The different cultural and professional background explains the differences in style. Macron is more used to making use of teamwork and collective elaborations while Renzi prefers quick and sometimes improvised decisions. Renzi has more charisma but Macron is more reassuring. Macron understood earlier that populism must be challenged, not chased, but I think Renzi has now understood it too. They follow partly different paths but both want to relaunch their countries and re-found Europe: I think they are destined to get along and leave their mark in Europe as well”.

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