The procedures have not yet been completed (today the Government will once again see the social forces and then let them know what the parliamentary procedure will be), but the political effects of the conclusion of the discussion on labor reform and above all of article 18, are all and are so strong from questioning the political framework on which the Executive led by Mario Monti was born and has continued in these first months. Let's leave aside the trade union world, with the half-thinking of the Uil and the CGIL which has already decided on 16 hours of general strike to be carried out in various ways close to the parliamentary debate. Let's stop at the parties, at the relationships between them and within them.
Until now the government of the technicians was based on a formula that recalled the parallel convergences of Morotean memory: on one side the Pd, on the other the Pdl, and naturally with an equidistant position the Third Pole. Since yesterday, things have changed significantly. On the one hand there is the PDL, which is more than satisfied with how the new legislation is shaping up and which demands that it now go ahead by decree. A significant intervention in the "Corriere della Sera" by former Welfare ministers Maroni (Lega) and Sacconi (Pdl) who applaud the reform "in the sign of Marco Biagi". On the other hand, there is the Democratic Party, or rather the secretary of the Democratic Party Bersani, who does not want to be faced with a "take it or leave it" (no decree therefore), and who above all says that the conclusion of the confrontation with the parties social was not the one hypothesized in the famous majority summit (the one in the photo tweeted by Casini), given that there it was said that an attempt would be made to reach an agreement with everyone, even with the CGIL, on the basis of the German model. Then, according to the secretary of the Democratic Party, things went differently, given that the German model (which foresees that the final word on dismissals, including economic ones, rests with the judge) has disappeared and that the proposals of the unions (of the CGIL, but not only) have been quickly set aside.
It is difficult to what extent Bersani's reconstruction is precise. Certainly the conclusion of the leader of the Democratic Party is that, without prejudice to the positive aspects of the guidelines of the provision that the Government will develop (incoming flexibility and social safety nets) on all the rest there is no blank bill to the work of the Government. On the contrary. The Democratic Party is preparing for a tough parliamentary battle to change the approach given to the modification of article 18. In short, Bersani is aiming for a sort of second half to play in Parliament.
Will this be the position of the entire Democratic Party? Probably not. Some former PPIs, including in part also the deputy secretary Letta and, above all the Veltronians consider that support for Monti is not in question. Instead lined up with Bersani to do battle in Parliament are Massimo D'Alema and Rosy Bindi. What is certain is that maintaining robust internal cohesion will not be a walk in health for Bersani's party. It is no coincidence that yesterday in "Unità" Francesco Cundari hypothesizes that maneuvers are underway to aim for the birth of a sort of party of technicians. That is to say "open the way for a new formation that can place itself in the center, split the Democratic Party, so as to obtain tomorrow a majority similar to the one currently supported by the Monti government, but with different balances of forces".
