One can no longer speak of meritocracy in Italy without mentioning Roger Abravanel, the guru of business consultancy (a life in McKinsey) who made it a banner as well as the subject of three highly successful essays. But the fight for meritocracy is a tough and difficult fight. The obstacles are still many. Will anything change with the upcoming elections? We asked him. Here is the interview Roger Abravanel granted to FIRSTonline
FIRSTonline – Engineer Abravanel, with your essays you have been conducting a demanding civil and cultural battle for years to bring meritocracy back into the limelight in Italy too and make it the driving force behind the country's modernization: in the electoral platforms presented by the various political forces there is Any news and any signs of hope in this direction?
ABRAVANEL – A Minister of an Italian government a few years ago wanted to pass a law on meritocracy and failed in his intent. Rightly so, because meritocracy is a system of values that arises thanks to a myriad of policies and cannot be imposed by law. I'm not too convinced that there is much meritocracy in today's electoral platforms. In Monti and Bersani I see a system of values based on that respect for the rule of law and competition which are the essence of meritocracy, but I have seen serious difficulties in implementing it. In the rest, frankly, I see little meritocracy in those who propose to penalize the rich who perhaps have become so thanks to their merit or in those who propose not to respect the state budget rules.
FIRSTonline – Who are the main enemies of meritocracy in Italy?
ABRAVANEL – Can we make a list of demerits? To answer this question, it is necessary to clarify once and for all what meritocracy is, the meaning of which today in Italy is not understood by 90 percent of Italians because it is confused with the war on "recommendations" which in themselves are not a negative thing if one recommend someone you know well, for a known occupation (or studies). And this report is made to someone you don't know. In Italy the opposite occurs (someone you don't know is recommended for a job you don't know, to someone you know very well and who owes us a favor) because there is a lack of culture of competition (especially in the public sector) and respect rules in the private sector. If a company can win a contract by circumventing the competition because it bribes someone or goes black and can make lower prices, it does not need excellent young people to be competitive and therefore the best companies do not grow and GDP stagnates and the debt/GDP ratio worsens . The enemy of meritocracy in Italy in the last 30 years in Italy has been the alliance between Italian Capitalism, trade unions and politics which have allowed the proliferation of a system of small, submerged, non-competitive enterprises, also thanks to rules of the labor that have created a low-productivity apartheid. And then they destroyed our educational system which is the essential lever of meritocracy.
FIRSTonline – There are those who object that a real battle for meritocracy cannot be waged unless inequalities are first eliminated: but are meritocracy and the fight against inequality really alternatives?
ABRAVANEL – No, as I explained in a recent article. Our left that for years has sought solidarity and co-responsible with the right of our appalling social inequality. If the right to study sponsors poor universities under houses and scholarships to mediocre children of tax evaders, meritocracy is not born. If companies cannot reward those who are good and are committed and alienate those who work badly, the current army of those discriminated against by labor apartheid (precarious workers and employees of small companies) will grow and "rights" will become the privilege of a few. If the tax evasion of the "rich" is condemned and that of the artisans and small businesses is justified, the death of business competitiveness is decreed.
FIRSTonline – As you have written several times, the school is the central field for fighting left and right conservatism and for rewarding merit, both of students and teachers. What are the first things to do in the next legislature to increase meritocracy in the school?
ABRAVANEL – First: have a serious debate on the situation of Italian schools, because Italians (source OECD) are the happiest with their school, while the Pisans say the opposite and Italian universities sail to the bottom of the world rankings. Second, make the results of the Invalsi tests immediately transparent to make known the quality of teaching in the various schools thanks to the results of the students. Third, start a serious process of school evaluation and teacher empowerment. Fourth, make the university evaluation agency work once and for all to allocate public funds in a meritocratic way and outnumber teachers on university boards of directors.
FIRSTonline – Beyond school, what are the fields in which to lead the battle for meritocracy as a priority?
ABRAVANEL – The goal is not to give birth to meritocracy, but to grow the economy. Meritocracy, rules and growth are three concepts closely linked in truly liberal societies: meritocracy means competition between individuals and businesses in a truly free market which does not mean without rules, but with fair rules that promote efficiency and growth. I explained all this (and also concrete suggestions for change) in my trilogy of essays on merit “Meritocrazia”, “Regole” and “Italia cresci o esci!” (whose proceeds go to charity).
FIRSTonline – In finance and business, what does rewarding meritocracy mean today?
ABRAVANEL – Respect the rules. If we have the whiplash record, our motor liability rates will continue to be the most expensive in Europe. If companies go black, Luxottica, Campari, Brembo and so on will be increasingly rare and we will not create the millions of jobs we need.
