In the European Parliament elections workers who voted FdI (39%) were more than double (16%) those who voted the Pd. The result changes little if the AVS votes are added (3%). But the even more significant aspect is yet another. Among the workers, the ''Melonians'' obtain 10 points more than their total figure, while the Dems have to take note of 8 points less: 4 points less for AVS. These are trends that have been around for some time.
And it is no longer a question of Lombard-Venetian workers fascinated by Alloy (who when they met Maurizio Landini in motorway restaurants showed him their CGIL membership card and offered him coffee). The party of Salvini retains one point (10%) more than its total figure among workers. Also the M5S, which in 2018 achieved a real breakthrough among the workers (a survey carried out, at the time, by the CGIL secretariat estimated that at least 33% of the writings had voted for Grillo), maintains a three-point lead (13%) compared to the overall figure. If we then want to expand by putting together the field that defines itself progressive (net of the centrist bushes who achieve, added to a 5% decrease compared to the total figure, not enough to equalize the results) we see that FdI, alone, still boasts 7 points more (39% against 32%). If we want to sum up the majority coalition, we arrive at 59 workers out of 100 who voted for the centre-right parties (10 workers do not disdain voting FI). FdI remains the party most voted for even by those with economic difficulties (24%) with seven points more than the Democratic Party, but both in decline (-5% and -7% of the total figure respectively), while the M5S gains 6 points, while Fi and Lega gain two more points each).
The votes of the middle class and the self-employed
To complete the picture of the grade by professional condition we point out that the middle class, according to SWG, chose to a greater extent the two main parties, especially Fratelli d'Italia, to the detriment of medium-sized formations (M5S, Lega, Forza Italia-Noi Moderati). While the self-employment it mainly awarded FdI and PD, but the League obtained a higher consensus than its average in this category.
By official duty, our interest is aimed at the data of workers and people in financial difficulty, which in other times would have been considered ''against nature''. In the history of the country, the working classes have never recognized themselves in a single party, not even in the PCI. In addition to a socialist tradition (which failed to take off after the Second World War even when the two parties, heirs of the historical divisions between reformists and maximalists, attempted reunification in 1966) there has always been a deep-rooted Catholic presence in the world of work, a protagonist in public life and in the union. However, a left-wing party would hardly have been abandoned by the workers' vote. And it is not just an Italian phenomenon, but, in different forms, throughout the Western world.
The fact is that, at least here, we don't even look for explanations for this ''desencanto''. Even more so since in this ''trahison des clercs'' there is something new and unprecedented. Voting for FdI means having overcome the anti-fascist prejudice which remains the main topic of controversy of the left-wing opposition against Giorgia Meloni, whose arm movements are studied, the words are weighed with the hope of identifying a relapse into the ancient faith even before judging the political actions of his government.
In a television interview the opinion of was asked Maurizio Landini on this increasingly evident phenomenon: the working class does not disdain voting for the right. The leader of the CGIL, with a certain quickness of mind, threw the ball into the grandstand of abstention which among workers and those in economic difficulty reached 58% with an increase of 5 points compared to the total. It looked like another secession on the Aventine, when the Roman plebs retreated to one of the fatal hills in protest against the patricians, thus demonstrating that, in the absence of their activities, Rome would have been paralyzed.
Popular left disappointed
La the popular left is disappointed of politics and of those who have represented them up to now to the point of refusing to vote for them and taking refuge in abstentionism? Yet a chance exists on the left of the Democratic Party, but it doesn't convince the world of work that much: look at the results of AVS and those percentages from the telephone area code that the parties that bring together sovereignism, populism and radicalism obtain in the political elections. leftist combined with a Moscow-oriented pacifism. Certainly the four referendums promoted by the CGIL should, in Landini's intentions, recover some of the luster of the old days. It's the usual story of the two souls of the left, implacable adversaries of each other because they bring a different vision of social progress. With his referendums Landini does not want to put the government in difficulty (FdI has always voted against the rules that the CGIL wants to repeal), but also bury on the left the memory of a secretary of the Democratic Party and prime minister named Matthew Renzi. It seems like a re-edition of the challenge of Jeremy Corbyn against Tony Blair. We know how it ended.
